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武汉/那家医院割包皮安全飞度养生交流

2018年01月21日 20:27:40 | 作者:飞度新闻黑龙江新闻 | 来源:新华社
In the last month, terror attacks that left 130 dead in Paris and 43 dead in Beirut and took down a Russian airliner with 224 people aboard have made the entire world horribly aware that the Islamic State not only seeks to establish a caliphate in Syria and Iraq, but also is beginning to export its monstrous savagery abroad. Although the Islamic State has been in the headlines for only two years, and its metastasis has been alarmingly swift, the seeds of the group in its many incarnations were planted many years ago, as Joby Warrick’s gripping new book, “Black Flags,makes clear.上个月,巴黎30人在恐怖袭击中丧生,贝鲁特亦有43人因恐怖袭击丧生,俄罗斯一架航班因恐怖袭击坠落,机上224人无人生还,整个世界惊恐地意识到,伊斯兰Islamic State)不仅谋求在叙利亚与伊拉克建立哈里发的国土,也开始向海外输出惨无人道的暴行。尽管伊斯兰国广受媒体关注只有两年的时间,它的扩散极为迅速,令人担忧,乔比·瓦里克(Joby Warrick)引人入胜的新书《黑旗Black Flags)中阐明,这个组织的种子以多种多样的形式,早在多年之前便已播下。Mr. Warrick, a reporter for The Washington Post and the author of the 2011 best seller “The Triple Agent,has a gift for constructing narratives with a novelistic energy and detail, and in this volume, he creates the most revealing portrait yet laid out in a book of Abu Musab Al-Zarqawi, the founding father of the organization that would become the Islamic State (also known as ISIS or ISIL).瓦里克是《华盛顿邮报The Washington Post)的记者,亦是2011年最佳畅销书《三重特工The Triple Agent)的作者,他擅长以小说式的活力和细节组织叙事,在这本书里,他为伊斯兰国(亦称ISIS或ISIL)的前身组织的创始人阿布·穆萨布·扎卡维(Abu Musab Al-Zarqawi)做出了迄今最为发人深省的的描述。Although this book owes some debts to Jean-Charles Brisard’s 2005 book, “Zarqawi: The New Face of Al Qaeda,Mr. Warrick places that material in context with recent developments and uses his own copious sources within the ed States and Jordanian intelligence to flesh out Mr. Zarqawi’s story and the crucial role that American missteps and misjudgments would play in fueling his rise and the advance of the Islamic State.尽管这本书从查尔斯·布利萨Jean-Charles Brisard)2005年的著作《扎卡维:基地组织的新面孔Zarqawi: The New Face of Al Qaeda)中有所借鉴,瓦里克把这些素材与事态的最新发展结合起来,动用了自己在美国与约旦情报机关中的大量人脉,充实了扎卡维的故事,以及美国的错误行动与错误判断在他的崛起与伊斯兰国的发展之中,扮演了多么重要的作用。Perhaps emulating the approach Lawrence Wright took in “The Looming Tower,his masterly 2006 account of the road to Sept. 11, Mr. Warrick focuses parts of this book on the lives of several individuals with singular, inside takes on the overarching story. They include a doctor named Basel al-Sabha, who treated Mr. Zarqawi in prison; Abu Haytham, who ran the counterterrorism unit of Jordan’s intelligence service and fought the Islamic State in its various guises for years; and Nada Bakos, a young C.I.A. officer who became the agency’s top expert on Mr. Zarqawi. This narrative approach lends the larger story of the Islamic State an up-close-and-personal immediacy and underscores the many what-ifs that occurred along the way.或许是模仿劳伦斯·赖特(Lawrence Wright)006年出版的揭示911事件成因的杰作《末日巨塔The Looming Tower),瓦利斯的书中也有几部部分是关注整个故事中几个具有特殊内部视点的人物,其中包括在狱中给扎卡维看病的巴塞尔·阿里-萨布Basel al-Sabha)医生;约旦情报机构反恐部门的领导人阿布·海萨姆(Abu Haytham),多年来他与伊斯兰国的各种伪装形式进行斗争;年轻的中央情报局官员纳达·巴克Nada Bakos),他成了中情局研究扎卡维的顶级专家。这样的叙事方式为更大范围的伊斯兰国的故事带来一种贴近而且个人化的直接性,强调出它发展过程中的各种可能性。In “Black Flags,Mr. Zarqawi comes across as a kind of Bond villain, who repeatedly foils attempts to neutralize him. He was a hard-drinking, heavily tattooed Jordanian street thug (well versed in pimping, drug dealing and assault), and when he found religion, he fell for it hard, having a relative slice off his offending tattoos with a razor blade.在《黑旗》中,扎卡维有点07故事中的反派,他一再努力令自己中立化,却总是失败。他曾经是个酗酒、满身刺青的约旦街头流氓(精通拉皮条、贩毒和打人),后来他找到了信仰,深深沉浸其中,让一个亲戚用剃刀把他身上带有不敬内容的文身割去了。He traveled to Afghanistan in 1989 to wage jihad; during a stint in a Jordanian prison, he emerged as a leader known and feared for his ruthlessness as an enforcer among Islamist inmates. He began thinking of himself as a man with a destiny, and in the aftermath of the American invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, he set up a small training camp in Iraq’s northeastern mountains, near the Iranian border.1989年,他去往阿富汗发动圣战;在约旦监狱刑期间,他成了一名领袖,以对同一监狱中的伊斯兰教徒冷血无情著称,并且深受畏惧。他开始认为自己负有使命,后来001年美国入侵阿富汗时,他在伊拉克东北部靠近伊朗边界的山脉中开设了一个小型训练营。At this point, Mr. Zarqawi was just a small-time jihadist. But then, Mr. Warrick writes, “in the most improbable of events, America intervened,declaring in an effort to make the case for ousting Saddam Hussein that “this obscure Jordanian was the link between Iraq’s dictatorship and the plotters behind the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.As C.I.A. analysts well knew, this assertion was false; in retrospect, it would also have the perverse effect of turning Mr. Zarqawi into “an international celebrity and the toast of the Islamist movement.Weeks later, when ed States troops invaded Iraq, this newly famous terrorist “gained a battleground and a cause and soon thousands of followers.”当时,扎卡维还只是一个三流圣战者。但在那个时候,沃里克写道,“美国介入了最荒谬的事件,”为了推翻萨达姆·侯赛Saddam Hussein),美国宣布,“这个鲜为人知的约旦人与伊拉克的独裁政权有联系,00111恐怖袭击事件背后的策划者。”正如中央情报局的分析员所知,这个断言是错误的;事后看来,它也产生了错误的效应,令扎卡维成了“国际名人,以及伊斯兰运动中备受赞誉的人士。”几个星期后,美国军队入侵了伊拉克,这个声誉鹊起的恐怖分子“得到了战场,以及一个理由,很快就得到了成千上万的拥趸。”Accused by the Bush administration of being in league with Saddam Hussein, Mr. Zarqawi would use the Americanstoppling of the dictator to empower himself. He was a diabolical strategist, and he quickly capitalized on two disastrous decisions made by the Americans (dissolving the Iraqi Army and banning Baath Party members from positions of authority), which intensified the country’s security woes and left tens of thousands of Iraqis out of work and on the street. Soon, former members of Mr. Hussein’s military were enlisting in Mr. Zarqawi’s army; others offered safe houses, intelligence, cash and weapons.小布什政府指责扎卡维同萨达姆·侯赛因联盟,于是扎卡维就利用美国推翻这个独裁者的机会增加自己的权力。他是个恶魔般的战略家,很快就利用了美国的两个灾难性的决定(其一是解散了伊拉克陆军,其二是解除了伊拉克复兴党员们的公职),这两个决定令国家的安全问题进一步恶化,令数万伊拉克人失业,流落街头。很快,侯赛因的前军队就集结在扎卡维麾下;其他人则为他们提供安全屋、情报、现金和武器。While the Bush White House was debating whether there even was an insurgency in Iraq, Mr. Zarqawi was helping to direct the worsening violence there, orchestrating car and suicide bombings and shocking beheadings. He also used terrorism to change the battlefield, fomenting sectarian hatred between the Shiites and the disenfranchised and increasingly bitter Sunnis, guaranteeing more chaos and discrediting the electoral process.当小布什政府还在讨论伊拉克境内是否有叛变之际,扎卡维已经开始在那里制造日益恶化的暴力事件,他精心安排车辆炸弹与自杀炸弹,以及骇人的斩首事件。他还利用恐怖主义改变战场,在什叶派与丧失选举权,日益布满的逊尼派之间煽动宗派仇恨,在选举过程中不断制造混乱与怀疑。Mr. Zarqawi’s penchant for ultraviolence had won him his favorite moniker, “the sheikh of the slaughterers,but by mid-2005, his bloodthirstiness and killing of Shiite innocents worried Al Qaeda’s leadership, which warned him that “the mujahed movement must avoid any action that the masses do not understand or approve.”扎卡维对大型暴力的热爱为他赢得了一个绰号,他自己也非常喜欢——“屠夫酋长”,但到2005年年中,他的嗜血与杀害什叶派无辜者的行为令基地组织的领导人也为之担忧,他们警告他,“圣战运动应当避免任何民众不能理解或不赞同的行为。”After many narrow escapes, Mr. Zarqawi was finally killed by a ed States airstrike in June 2006, and over the next few years, the ed States managed to decimate much of his organization. Still, dangerous embers remained, and they would burst into flames under the group’s new leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, who shared Mr. Zarqawi’s taste for gruesome violence, and who had built up a valuable network of supporters while serving time in Camp Bucca, a ed States-controlled prison known as a “jihadi universityfor its role in radicalizing inmates. The sectarianism of the Iraqi prime minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki drove increasingly marginalized Sunnis into the embrace of the Islamic State a dynamic hastened by the withdrawal of American troops in 2011. Meanwhile, in Syria, the chaos of civil war created perfect conditions for the Islamic State’s explosive growth and a home base for its self-proclaimed caliphate.经历了多次死里逃生,扎卡维终于006月死于美国空袭之中,在接下来的数年里,美国消灭了他的大部分组织。但是危险的星星之火仍然存在,终于在组织的新领袖阿布·贝克尔·巴格达Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi)领导下成为燎原之势,他和扎卡维一样热衷残酷暴力,布卡营地(Camp Bucca)刑期间,更是建立起了持者的宝贵网络,这座监狱由美国控制,刑者在这里往往变得更加激进,因此素有“圣战者的大学”之称。伊拉克总理努里·卡迈勒·马利基(Nuri Kamal al-Maliki)的宗派主义令日益边缘化的逊尼派教徒开始接受伊斯兰国——这个势头随着2011年美国撤军而加快。与此同时,在叙利亚,内战的混乱为伊斯兰国的迅速崛起创造了完美的条件,也为它所自称的哈里发提供了家园。The final chapters of this volume have a somewhat hurried feel. In fact, more detailed examinations of the rise of Mr. Baghdadi, the Islamic State’s sophisticated use of social media, and its efforts to displace Al Qaeda as the leader of global jihad can be found in two illuminating recent books: “ISIS: Inside the Army of Terror,by Michael Weiss and Hassan Hassan, and “ISIS: The State of Terror,by Jessica Stern and J. M. Berger. But for ers interested in the roots of the Islamic State and the evil genius of its godfather, Abu Musab Al-Zarqawi, there is no better book to begin with than “Black Flags.”本书的最后一章有点像赶出来的。事实上,关于巴格达迪的崛起、伊斯兰国对社交媒体精心设计的运用,以及它谋求取代基地组织,成为全球圣战领袖的努力可以在另外两本颇具启发性的新书中找到:迈克尔·韦Michael Weiss)和哈桑·哈Hassan Hassan)的《ISIS: 走进恐怖军团ISIS: Inside the Army of Terror),以及杰西卡·斯特Jessica Stern)与J·M·伯格的《ISIS: 恐怖之囀?ISIS: The State of Terror)。但是对伊斯兰国的起源,以及它的邪恶教父阿布·穆萨布·扎卡维感兴趣的读者们来说,《黑旗》是个最好的开始。来 /201512/415515Kim Heung-Kwang saw his computing students picked off by the government图,金恒光参观政府招募的计算机学生Thousands of military hackers in North Korea could launch cyber attacks that could ;kill people and destroy cities;, a defector has warned.一名脱北者(特指朝鲜的叛逃者,译者注)警告说朝鲜数千计的黑客部队可以发动网络攻击并能;杀人并摧毁城市;。Professor Kim Heung-Kwang saw his brightest computing students picked for Bureau 121 to become ;cyber warriors; for Kim Jong-un before he fled the country in 2004.金恒光教授(2004年脱北的一名计算机教授,译者注)在004年离开这个国家之前看着他最聪明的计算机学生21局招募并成为金正恩;网络战士;;The size of the cyber-attack agency has increased significantly, and now has approximately 6,000 people,; he told B Click.他告诉B说:;网络攻击机构明显的增加了规模,现在大约有6000人;Kim Heung-Kwang taught students who were picked for Kim Jong-uns cyber warfare unit金恒光曾教过的学生被金正恩网络部队招;The reason North Korea has been harassing other countries is to demonstrate that North Korea has cyber war capacity.;朝鲜曾扰乱其他国家的理由是为了展示他已经具有网络战争的能;;Their cyber-attacks could have similar impacts as military attacks, killing people and destroying cities.;;他们的网络攻击和军事攻击具有相似的影响,(如)杀人和摧毁城市;Professor Kim, who taught at Hamheung Computer Technology University, believes hackers are building malware based on the ;Stuxnet; attack on Iranian nuclear centrifuges, which was attributed to the US and Israel.金恒光教授,授课于首尔计算机科技大学,相信黑客们正基于由美国和以色列开发攻击伊朗核设施;震网;制作恶意软件。Although the threat is theoretical, up to 20 per cent of North Koreas military budget is believed to go into online operations.虽然仅仅是理论,但普遍认为朝鲜军费预算中0%被用在了互联网行动。The government dismissed accusations that it was behind last years Sony Pictures hack as ;groundless slander; but praised the attack as a ;righteous deed;.去年发生的索尼影视被黑事件的控告被政府(应该指朝鲜,译者注)无视,称控告是;毫无根据的诬;,但赞扬这个事件;正义的行;。It delayed the release of The Interview, offering a comedy take on the fictional assassination of Kim.一部内容为刺杀金正恩的喜剧被推迟上映。Known attacks have targeted South Korean infrastructure and Seoul blames its northern neighbour for a hack on a hydro and nuclear power plant earlier this year.据称攻击目标为韩国基础设施,而且今年首尔谴责朝鲜黑进水电站及核电站。Barack Obama warned North Korea it would face retaliation over a cyber attack on Sony Pictures巴拉克·奥巴马警告朝鲜会因为黑索尼影视而遭到报复The warning came as an American research institute said satellite imagery showed significant new construction at North Koreas main rocket launch site for a possible space programme.一个美国研究所称,根据卫星图像显示在朝鲜一个主要的航天发射场发现明显的新建筑,可能是为了空间项目。这被当做是随之(韩国谴责朝鲜网络攻击,译者注)而来的警告。The secretive state has been banned from launching rockets or technology that could launch ballistic missiles by the UN Security Council but Kim declared this month that its space programme ;can never be abandoned;.这个神秘的国家被安理会禁止发射火箭或获得可以发射弹道导弹的技术。但金正恩本月宣布空间项;永远不能放弃;。Pyongyang claims work at the Sohae launch site, which blasted its first rocket into space in December 2012, is peaceful.平壤宣称,在西海发射场(2012年曾发射过火箭)的作业是和平的。In Seoul on Wednesday, nuclear envoys from South Korea, the US and Japan urged Pyongyang to engage in serious negotiations on its nuclear weapons.周三在首尔,韩国、美国及日本的核特使(应该指的是六方会谈特使,译者注)催促平壤参加有关其核武器的谈判。来 /201506/378243From a distance, it may appear that the French mainstream right is on the road to political and organisational unity with Nicolas Sarkozy’s successful return to the helm of the opposition UMP. With the left in disarray and the far right National Front not or not yet credible enough to win, though more than strong enough to deliver a shock to the political system, the way is open for Mr Sarkozy’s comeback at the next presidential elections, non? Are we about to witness in 2017 the French equivalent of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s return to power in Japan, with a rebranding so powerful that his name became identified with a novel economic policy?从远处看,随着尼古#8226;萨科Nicolas Sarkozy)重新执掌反对党——人民运动联UMP),法国右翼主流势力似乎正走在一条通向政治和组织团结的道路上。在法国左翼陷入混乱、而极右翼政党国民阵线(National Front)的可信度不足以(或者说尚不足以)赢得大选(尽管该党现在已足够强大,能够对法国政治体系造成冲击)的情况下,萨科齐有可能在下次总统大选中再次获胜,不是吗?日本首相安倍晋Shinzo Abe)重返政坛的情景是否会017年的法国重现?安倍晋三的“品牌再造”如此强大,以至于还有一项以他的姓氏命名的新颖经济政策。It could happen but probably will not. Mr Sarkozy’s formidable drive remains intact and his competitors will have to contend with his ability to thrive under pressure, as he demonstrated at the peak of the global financial crisis or during Russia’s war in Georgia in 2008. Furthermore, he now has control of the UMP party machine, a major, possibly indispensable, asset.这种情况可能会发生,但很可能不会。萨科齐那令人敬畏的进取精神还没有发生动摇,他的竞争对手将不得不应付他那种在压力之下超常发挥的能力,就像他在全球金融危机最严重时期008年俄罗斯向格鲁吉亚开战时期所展现的。另外,他现在控制着UMP的政党机器,这是一项重要的(甚至可能是不可或缺的)资产。However, powerful factors, which were not at play when he first ran for and won the presidency in 2007, will get into his way. He faces a host of legal challenges. One of the most recent, the so-called Bygmalion case after the name of an events-organising company alleged to have served as a conduit for the funding of his unsuccessful presidential campaign in 2012 represents a potentially serious threat during the run-up to 2017. (Mr Sarkozy denies any wrongdoing.)然而,007年他首次参选并赢得总统大选时不存在的一些强大因素,将阻碍他的脚步。他面临着诸多法律诉讼。最新一桩是所谓的Bygmalion案,此案以一家大型活动组织公司的名字命名,该公司被控012年萨科齐最终失败的总统大选时充当筹款渠道,在2017年总统大选之前,此案将对他构成潜在的重大威胁。(萨科齐否认自己存在过错。)Then there is the former president’s polarising personality, a hallmark which on balance has helped more than hurt his political career. Voters appreciated his clear-cut choices in 2007, and he nearly won in 2012 despite the adverse economic and social legacy of the financial crisis. But to overcome the challenge from Marine Le Pen, the leader of the National Front who is almost certain to be present in the second round of the presidential elections, the mainstream right candidate will need to convince left and centre electors to back him in the second round.接下来是萨科齐那种导致两极分化的个性,迄今这一性格特点总的来说在更大程度上帮助(而非损害)了他的政治生涯007年,选民们赏识他的明确抉择,而在2012年,尽管金融危机带来种种不利的经济和社会后遗症,但他仍差一点在大选中获胜。但要应对来自国民阵线党主席马琳#8226;勒庞(Marine Le Pen,她几乎肯定会进入第二轮大选投票)的挑战,主流右翼政党的候选人需要说左翼和中间派选民在第二轮投票中持他。Opinion polls indicate that Alain Juppé would be a better bet in a second round run-off than Mr Sarkozy. The former prime minister is seen as a safe pair of hands who is respected well beyond the core conservative voter base. The former president will face an uphill struggle to win the primaries that the UMP is due to hold in 2016 to choose its candidate in the race for the Elysée Palace. The fact that a gifted but otherwise uncharismatic politician such as Bruno Le Maire, a former agriculture minister in the Sarkozy administration, managed to garner nearly 30 per cent of the UMP vote in the leadership contest, was a portent of the difficulties Mr Sarkozy will face. Mr Sarkozy’s inability to create a committee of former centre-right prime ministers shows how difficult it is for him to unite rather than divide his own party, let alone a broader electoral base.民调显示,在第二轮决胜投票中,相对于萨科齐,法国前总理阿兰#8226;朱佩(Alain Juppé)是一个更好的选择。朱佩被视为一位可靠人选,即使在保守派核心选民基础以外也深受尊敬。UMP将于2016年选出党内候选人角逐法国总统职位,要赢得党内初选,萨科齐将面临很大困难。曾在萨科齐任期内担任法国农业部长的布鲁#8226;勒梅Bruno Le Maire)这样有才华但缺乏领袖魅力的政治人物,在UMP党主席选举中成功收获近30%的选票,这一事实预示着萨科齐前路艰难。萨科齐无法创建一个由中右翼前任总理组成的委员会,这表明他很难团结(而非分裂)他所在的政党,更别提团结更广泛的选民了。Finally, Mr Sarkozy’s attempted comeback embodies the crisis of trust which is at the heart of the negative mood pervading the French body politic. Largely unconstrained by a constitutionally weak parliament or by the constraints of coalition politics, the French president enjoys exceptional powers compared with other European leaders.最后,萨科齐试图重返政坛反映出一种信任危机,这个危机处在弥漫于法国人民心中的负面情绪的核心。与其他欧洲领导人相比,法国总统基本上不受在宪法上实力弱小的议会或联合执政局限性的约束,享有较大权力。This has undoubted attractions but also some disadvantages. When key campaign promises are not honoured, the public reaction can be ferocious. When he won in 2007, Mr Sarkozy had a strong mandate, and arguably the political wherewithal, to engage in structural reform, including the scrapping of the 35 hour-work week. He preferred to work around the reform agenda rather than implementing it. His Socialist successor Fran#231;ois Hollande’s perceived “betrayalof his leftwing promises has had the same effect on the other side of the spectrum.这一点具有毋庸置疑的吸引力,但也有一些坏处。当关键的竞选承诺未被兑现时,公众反应可能会非常激烈007年大选获胜时,萨科齐有着强大的民意授权和政治资本来实施结构性改革,包括废除每周35小时工作制。但他更喜欢绕着改革议程打战,而不是实施改革。在另一边,他的社会党继任者弗朗索#8226;奥朗Fran#231;ois Hollande)对其左翼承诺的明显“背叛”也产生了同样的效果。This sense of being taken for a ride is one of the causes of the rise of the National Front, an untested party which has not yet had the opportunity to betray the public’s trust. Thus, at every stage of the campaign trail, Mr Sarkozy will face the charge that he did not keep his promises when he had an opportunity to do so.这种被忽悠感是国民阵线崛起的原因之一,该党未经考验,还没有机会背叛公众的信任。因此,在竞选的每个阶段,萨科齐都将面临这一指责:当初他有机会履行承诺时却没有这么做。This basic lack of credibility may explain the modesty of his current reform platform: tinkering with the retirement age (raising it to 63 instead of 62), devolution of the 5 hoursissue to sectoral dialogue between trade unions and employers associations, the capping of public expenditure at 50 per cent of gross domestic product with little indication of how this would be done, and a fudge about increasing wages while lowering taxes. Sarkonomics are not with us yet.这种基本可信度的缺乏,也许可以解释他当前的有限改革平台:微调退休年龄(2岁提高到63岁)、将每周5小时”工作制问题下放到工会与雇主协会之间的行业对话去解决、将公共出占国内生产总GDP)的比例上限设0%(但没有说明如何实施),以及提高薪资同时降低税收的含糊承诺。萨氏经济学(Sarkonomics)还没有出现。来 /201412/348047

SHANGHAI Few knew what to expect of the Power Station of Art when it blew onto the contemporary art scene here in 2012. Just one year earlier, the Power Station the first state-owned contemporary art museum in China had been but a half-baked idea in the minds of local government officials intent on transforming Shanghai into an international cultural capital.上海—012年,上海当代艺术馆突然出现在当代艺术的视野之中,当时几乎没有人知道它的前景如何。上海当代艺术馆是中国第一家国有当代艺术馆仅在开张一年前,它还只是当地那些想把上海打造成国际文化大都市的当地官员们脑子里一个不周全的计划。By the time the Power Station was set to make its debut by playing host to the ninth Shanghai Biennale, construction workers and artists alike were hurrying until the final hours to prepare the space, a colossal decommissioned electrical power plant, for the show. Despite last-minute efforts, the hastily assembled biennale with its roughly installed artwork, missing or misprinted wall labels and poorly trained staff made for a lackluster start, leaving many with questions about the museum’s sustainability.上海当代艺术馆的首次亮相是主办第九届上海双年展,这里原本是一个废弃的巨大发电厂,建筑工人和艺术家们为展览空间忙碌到开展前的最后一刻。尽管到最后时刻还在努力,这个仓促拼凑的双年展——粗劣的装置艺术、缺失或错印的墙上标志、未经培训的员工——为艺术馆开了个黯淡无光的头,让很多人怀疑该馆是否能持续发展。Now, two years later, those doubts appear to be diminishing as the Power Station, one of the few public institutions in China dedicated to contemporary art, finds its footing in the flourishing contemporary art scene here.如今,两年时间已经过去,这些怀疑的声音似乎消失了。如今的当代艺术馆已经是中国为数不多的专门展出当代艺术的公立机构,在当地繁荣的当代艺术界找到了立足之地。At the opening of the 10th Shanghai Biennale last month, crowds streamed through the seven-story Power Station to take in works by more than 80 artists from 20 countries, centering on the theme “Social Factory.Organized by the writer and curator Anselm Franke of Berlin, the show, which runs through March 31, displayed few of the technical and production issues that dogged the preceding edition.在上月举行的第十届上海双年展开幕式上,观众们涌入七层的当代艺术馆,观赏来自20个国家的80多名艺术家的作品,这届双年展的主题是“社会工厂”,由柏林作家兼策展人安塞姆·弗兰克担任总策展人,将持续1日。上届展览中出现的各种技术与制作问题几乎不复存在。“This biennale is really a landmark event for China,said Chris Dercon, director of the Tate Modern.“这届双年展的确是中国的标志性事件,”泰特现代美术馆的馆长克里斯·德孔(Chris Dercon)说。It is the first time in the biennale’s 18-year history that the chief curator had been given free rein to choose the theme. The decision to allow Mr. Franke that latitude was made by the museum’s academic committee, which was recently reorganized and includes prominent international figures like Mr. Dercon and Homi K. Bhabha, a humanities professor at Harvard.在上海双年展8年历史上,总策展人可以随意选择主题还是第一次。这个决定给了弗兰克很大自由,它是由艺术馆新成立的的学术委员会做出的,其成员包括德孔和哈佛大学的人文科学教授霍米·K·巴巴(Homi K. Bhabha)。“We want the Shanghai Biennale to be more international,said Li Xu, deputy director of the Power Station. “This is a new kind of cultural confidence.”“我们希望上海双年展更加国际化,”当代艺术馆副馆长李旭说,“这是新的文化自信。”The current biennale, which has been well received by critics and those in the museum world, is the latest milestone for the Power Station after a string of successful exhibitions. Highlights have included a large-scale exhibition on Surrealism shipped in from the Pompidou Center in Paris, a major solo exhibition by the Chinese contemporary artist Cai Guo-Qiang sponsored by Infiniti, and a 30-year retrospective of portraits in Chinese contemporary art organized by Mr. Li. The Power Station has embraced its role as one of the few public institutions in China dedicated to contemporary art, developing educational outreach and training emerging curators.这一届双年展已经受到界和艺术馆界的好评,是当代艺术馆继一系列成功展览之后最新的里程碑。该馆前段时间的亮点包括大型超现实主义艺术展,展品是从巴黎蓬皮杜艺术中心运来;还有中国当代艺术家蔡国强的个展,由英菲尼迪赞助;还有李旭担任策展的中国当代艺术30年回顾展。当代艺术馆把自己的角色定位为中国为数不多的致力于当代艺术的公立机构,发展教育务功能,同时培训不断涌现的策展人。“The museum is really changing,said Larys Frogier, director of the Rockbund Art Museum, one of the many private museums that have emerged in Shanghai in the last few years. “The next challenge for the Power Station as a public museum is to build not only a collection but a strong vision about Chinese contemporary art.”“当代艺术馆确实在变,”上海外滩美术馆的馆长拉瑞斯·弗洛Larys Frogier)说,上海外滩美术馆是上海近年来崛起的众多私营艺术馆之一,“作为一个公立艺术馆,它所面临的下一个挑战不仅是建立自己的馆藏,而且也要为中国当代艺术建立起一个鲜明的形象。”Whether museum officials can convince the public that a government-mediated vision of Chinese contemporary art is credible remains to be seen.艺术馆的官员们能否说公众,政府促成的中国当代艺术形象是可靠的,这一点目前尚不分明。While negotiating with censors has long been accepted by most art institutions, the Power Station, as a public institution, is often subject to greater scrutiny and censorship. Several artists were banned from exhibiting in the latest edition of the Shanghai Biennale. Pak Sheung Chuen of Hong Kong, for example, was cut from the show just a few days after a so-called blacklist of artists which included him appeared on social media, according to Cosmin Costinas, a biennale co-curator. The artists are said to have been banned from working on the mainland because of participation in recent pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong.大多数艺术机构早已经接受了同审查者进行谈判,而作为公立艺术机构的当代艺术馆经常要接受更为广泛的审视与审查。这届上海双年展上,有些艺术家的作品被禁止展出。上海双年展的一位联合策展人科斯明·科斯蒂纳斯(Cosmin Costinas)说,在社交媒体上曾经爆出过一份所谓的“艺术家黑名单”,上面有香港艺术家白双全的名字,没过几天,他的名字就从上海双年展上消失了。这位艺术家据说因为参加了香港最近的持民主抗议,因此被禁止继续在中国大陆工作。Another Chinese artist, Song Ta, was also prevented from participating by culture bureau officials even though a show of his works, which often address Communist Party corruption, ran unimpeded in a Beijing gallery.另一位中国艺术家宋拓也被文化局禁止参加双年展,尽管他的作品仍然在北京某画廊展出。他的作品通常是反映共产党的腐败现象。“Censorship is part of being a public institution in China,said Uli Sigg, one of the world’s leading collectors of contemporary Chinese art. This year works by Ai Weiwei were removed from an exhibition that Mr. Sigg helped organize for the Power Station about the history of a prize the collector created for Chinese contemporary art.“审查制度是中国公立机构的一部分,”乌釷希Uli Sigg)说,他是世界上最大的中国当代艺术收藏者之一。今年(2014年——译注)在当代艺术馆,希克参与策展的一个关于他为中国当代艺术设立的一个奖项的历史回顾展中,艾未未的作品被撤下。“The paradigm for contemporary art is to show things as they are, to document and to criticize,Mr. Sigg said. “It doesn’t represent China in the way the government wants it to be represented to their people and to the outside world.”“当代艺术的范式是呈现事物的本来面目,去记录和批评,”希克说,“而并不是按政府希望呈现给人民和外界的样子去呈现中囀?”Museum officials agree that escaping the shadow of politics is among the foremost challenges facing the Power Station.艺术馆官员们同意,如何脱离政治的阴影也是当代艺术馆所面临的重要挑战之一。“When people first look at us they see politics before they see art,said Gong Yan, the museum director and former editor in chief of the Chinese-language magazine Art World. “We want to shift this attention so that when people come to see the exhibits they can see the individual value of the Chinese artists and not just the entire societal context.”“当人们第一眼看我们的时候,他们首先看到政治,其次才是艺术,”艺术馆馆长及华语杂志《艺术世界》的前主编龚彦说。“我们希望改变这种关注点,让来看展览的人先看到中国艺术家的个体价值,而不仅仅是整体社会语境。”Another issue for the Power Station is funding. Although the government paid for the million needed to convert the 450,000-square-foot space into a museum, the institution like many other public museums today still struggles to find enough money for operations. And with prices for contemporary art skyrocketing, a lack of financing has also hampered the museum’s ability to build a substantive collection.资金也是当代艺术馆的一个问题。尽管政府拨400万美元,5万平方英尺的空间改建为物馆,但它同如今的许多公立物馆一样,还要努力筹集足够的运营资金。随着当代艺术的价格飞速攀升,缺乏资金阻碍了艺术馆进一步收集大量馆藏。“The biggest problem is that the government is great at taking care of the hardware but not the software,Mr. Li said. While officials have demonstrated an increasing willingness to invest in contemporary art, he said, the “speed of change has not been as fast as you might guess.”“最大的问题是,政府善于建造硬件,而不擅长经营软件,”李说。虽然政府官员们表现出强大的投资当代艺术的意愿,他说,但是,“变革的速度不像你以为的那样快。”A foundation to solicit private donations is being established. In the meantime, money problems have also hurt the museum’s ability to attract professional staff members, officials say.一个旨在征集私人捐款的基金已经建立。与此同时,物馆管理者们说,资金问题也在影响物馆吸引职业工作人员加盟。“When the government talks about culture in China they are always talking about construction,said Qiu Zhijie, who as chief curator of the ninth Shanghai Biennale experienced the museum’s growing pains firsthand. “No one thinks that culture is like planting a tree, where you have to continue watering it.”“当政府说起中国文化时,他们通常说的是建设,”第九届上海双年展的主策展人邱志杰说,对于当代艺术馆在成长中经历的困境,他有最直接的体验。“他们没有人会觉得搞文化就像种树,你得持续不断地给它浇水。”来 /201501/353591

Shanghai Disney Resort will hold a job fair in Shanghai from October 21-24 in preparation for opening in early 2016.为了016年初上海迪士尼乐园的开放做好准备,有关部门将从101—4日召开一届专门的招聘会The job fair, the first of several planned in Shanghai for the coming months to recruit thousands, aims to attract talent with experience in the tourism and services industries.本次招聘会,是为期几期招聘会的第一场。预计将在未来的几个月中从上海招聘上千人,这一举措的目的是吸引在旅游和务行业有经验和有才能的人前来应;Shanghai Disney Resort is committed to building a world-class resort destination and delivering the highest level of service to our future guests, and our cast members are at the core of this promise,; said Philippe Gas, General Manager of the resort.迪士尼乐园的总经理菲利普·葛斯称:“上海迪士尼乐园决心建造一个世界级的游乐园,并且要为我们未来的游客提供最高级别的务,我们的员工也都会以我们所承诺过的为工作核心”The job fair will recruit a large number of local people in areas including ride operations, guest services and maintenance. The resort currently employs a team of over 1,500.这次招聘会会主要面对当地人,招聘岗位包括大量的运营人员,人员和设备维护人员。截至目前,该游乐园已经聘用了超500人The resort is likely to open to the public in the spring of 2016 at a date yet to be disclosed.游乐园预计将会在2016年春天营业,具体日期尚未公布The resort is a joint venture between the Walt Disney Company and Shanghai Shendi Group. Initial investment stands at 24.5 billion yuan (3.86 billion U.S. dollars). An undisclosed amount of additional investment was announced in April last year. The companies expect 10 million visits to the resort each year.上海迪士尼游乐园是华特迪士尼公司和上海申迪公司的合资企业。初期投资在245亿元(38.6亿美。去年四月又宣布了一份附加投资项目。预期每年将接待1000万来到游乐园的游 /201510/403973

Should proposed US plurilateral trade agreements be welcomed? This is a big question, not least for those who consider the liberalisation of world trade to be a signal achievement. It is also highly controversial.美国提议的诸边贸易协定应该受到欢迎吗?这是一个大问题,不仅仅是对于那些认为世界贸易自由化是一项重大成就的人。这也是个极富争议的问题。Since the failure of the “Doha roundof multilateral negotiations launched shortly after the terrorist attacks of September 11 2001 the focus of global trade policy has shifted towards plurilateral agreements restricted to a limited subgroup of partners. The most significant are US-led: the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. As a study by the US Council of Economic Advisers puts it, the Obama administration’s trade agenda aims to put America “at the center of an integrated trade zone covering nearly two-thirds of the global economy and almost 65 per cent of US goods trade自从“多哈回合Doha round)多边谈判(“多哈回合”在20011日恐怖袭击之后不久启动)失败以来,全球贸易政策的焦点已转向仅限于某个伙伴国集团的诸边协定。最重要的协定均由美国主导:《跨太平洋伙伴关系》(Trans-Pacific Partnership,简称TPP)以及《跨大西洋贸易与投资伙伴关系协定》(Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership,简称TTIP)。正如白宫经济顾问委员会(CEA)一项研究所指出的,奥巴马政府的贸易议程旨在将美国置于“一个覆盖全球经济近2/3、美国货物贸易近65%的一体化贸易区的中心地位”。The TPP is a negotiation with 11 countries, most importantly Japan. Its partners account for 36 per cent of world output, 11 per cent of population and about one-third of merchandise trade. The TTIP is between the US and the EU, which account for 46 per cent of global output and 28 per cent of merchandise trade. The main partner not included in these negotiations is, of course, China.TPP是美国与11个国家(最重要的是日本)谈判的贸易协定。其伙伴国的产出占世界总量6%,人口占全球总人口的11%,商品贸易占全球的大/3。TTIP是美国与欧盟之间的协定,占全球产出的46%,商品贸易的28%。当然,中国是未被纳入这些谈判的主要贸易伙伴。Some of the countries participating in TPP still have quite high barriers to imports of goods. The CEA notes the relatively high tariffs in Malaysia and Vietnam and agricultural protection in Japan. It also argues that the TPP partners and EU have higher barriers to imports of services than the US.一些参与TPP的国家仍然存在相当高的货物进口壁垒。CEA指出了马来西亚和越南相对较高的关税以及日本的农业保护。该委员会还认为,TPP伙伴国以及欧盟的务进口壁垒高于美国。Yet lowering barriers is only a part of the US aim. The CEA report adds that, in the TPP, Washington is proposing “enforceable labor protections and greener policies But it is also seeking “strong enforcement of intellectual property rights In the TTIP, “both sides seek agreement on crosscutting disciplines on regulatory coherence and transparencyin other words making rules more compatible with one another and more transparent for business. Thus, both TPP and TTIP are efforts to shape the rules of international commerce. Pascal Lamy, former director-general of the World Trade Organisation, argues that “TPP is mostly, though not only, about classical protection- related market access issues#8201;.#8201;.#8201;.#8201;TTIP is mostly, though not only, about#8201;.#8201;.#8201;.#8201;.#8201; regulatory convergence不过,降低壁垒只是美国的一部分目标。CEA报告补充称,在TPP中,华盛顿方面提议“可强制执行的劳动保护和更环保政策”。但是,它还寻求“有力执行知识产权保护”。在TTIP中,“双方寻求就交叉领域的监管连贯性和透明度达成一致”——换句话说,让双方的法规更兼容、对企业更透明。因此,TTP和TTIP都是旨在塑造国际商务规则的努力。世界贸易组WTO)前任总干事帕斯卡#8226;拉米(Pascal Lamy)认为,“TPP主要是(尽管不全是)关于经典的与贸易保护相关的市场准入问题……而TTIP主要是(尽管不全是)关于监管融合”。Whether these negotiations succeed will depend on whether the administration obtains trade promotion authority from Congress. But should we want them to succeed?这些谈判能否取得成功,将取决于奥巴马政府是否会从国会获得贸易促进TPA)。但是,我们应该期盼谈判成功吗?The straightforward points in favour are: plurilateral agreements are now the best way to liberalise global trade, given the failure of multilateral negotiations; their new rules and procedures offer the best template for the future; and they will bring significant gains.直截了当的持理由是:考虑到多边谈判的失败,眼下诸边协定是促进全球贸易自由化的最佳方式;它们的新规则和程序为未来提供了最好的模板;它们将带来显著收益。These arguments have force. Yet there are also counter-arguments.这些观点很有说力。不过,也有反面的观点。With limited political capital, the focus on plurilateral trade arrangements risks diversion of effort from the WTO. That might undermine the potency of global rules. Jagdish Bhagwati of Columbia University stresses such risks. Furthermore, preferential trading arrangements risk distorting complex global production chains.在政治资本有限的情况下,专注于诸边贸易安排可能会分散投入WTO的努力。这进而可能削弱全球规则的效力。哥伦比亚大Columbia University)的贾格迪什#8226;巴格沃蒂(Jagdish Bhagwati)强调了此类风险。此外,特惠贸易安排可能扭曲复杂的全球生产链。Another concern is that the US is using its clout to impose regulations that are not in the interests of its partners.另一个担忧在于,美国正利用其影响力强行制定不符合伙伴国利益的法规。I would be less concerned about labour and environmental standards, though both might be inappropriate, than about protection of intellectual property. It is not true that tighter standards are in the interest of all. On the contrary, if US standards were to be imposed, the costs might be very high.尽管劳工和环境标准都可能不适当,但我对它们不如对知识产权保护那么担忧。关于更严格的标准有利于各方的说法是不对的。相反,如果普遍推行美国标准,成本可能会非常高。Finally, the economic gains are unlikely to be large. Trade has been substantially liberalised aly and any gains decline as barriers fall. A study of the TPP by the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington suggests that the rise in US real incomes would be below 0.4 per cent of national income. A study of TTIP published by the Centre for Economic Policy Research in London comes to slightly higher numbers for the EU and US. Completion of TPP and TTIP might raise US real incomes by 1 per cent of GDP This is not nothing, but it is not large.最后一点是,经济收益不太可能会很高。贸易已经得到大幅自由化,随着贸易壁垒的降低,进一步的收益会减少。华盛顿彼得森国际经济研究所(Peterson Institute for International Economics)对TPP的研究显示,美国的实际收入增量将不到国民收入.4%。伦敦的经济政策研究中心(Centre for Economic Policy Research)发表的对TTIP的研究显示,欧盟和美国的增量数字略高。TPP和TTIP达成后,可能会使美国实际收入增量达到GDP%。这不容忽略,但也不是很大。The US-EU agreement does not raise concerns about the US ability to bully its partners. In trade, the two sides are equally matched. There are three further concerns with the TTIP, however.美国和欧盟之间的协定并未引起人们对美国欺负伙伴国的担忧。在贸易方面,双方势均力敌。不过,人们对TTIP还是抱有3个担忧。First, Jeronim Capaldo of Tufts University has argued that estimates of the gains ignore macroeconomic costs. His Keynesian approach argues that the EU will lose demand because of a fall in its trade surplus. This is ridiculous. Macroeconomic problems should be addressed with macroeconomic policies. Trade policy has different goals.第一,塔夫茨大学(Tufts University)的叶罗尼#8226;卡帕尔多(Jeronim Capaldo)认为,对收益的预估忽视了宏观经济的成本。按照他的凯恩斯主义逻辑,欧盟将损失需求,因为其贸易顺差将会下降。这是无稽之谈。宏观经济问题应该用宏观经济政策来解决。贸易政策的目标本来就不同。Second, some of the barriers they are attempting to remove reflect different attitudes to risk. The negotiators will have to devise a text that allows co-ordination of regulatory procedures over drug testing, say, without imposing identical preferences. If Europeans do not want genetically modified organisms, they must be allowed to preserve that preference. If trade policy ts on such sacred ground, it will die.第二,这些协定试图消除的某些壁垒,反映了伙伴国对待风险的不同态度。谈判代表们将不得不妥善拟定文本,在避免强加相同偏好的前提下,使监管程序的协调成为可能,比如说针对药物测试。如果欧洲人不想要转基因生物,他们必须被允许保留这种偏好。如果贸易政策触犯此类神圣领域,它将会碰壁。Finally, we have the vexed issue of investor-state dispute settlement. Many complain that political choices publicly-funded health systems or the right to control drug prices might be put at risk by systems biased in favour of business. Negotiators fervently deny this. They had better be right.最后,我们还有一个棘手问题,那就是投资国家纠纷解决。很多人抱怨称,政治选择——公费医疗体系或者控制药品价格的权利——可能会被偏向于企业的制度置于风险之中。谈判代表们强烈否认这一点。他们最好没说错。On balance, the benefits of TPP and TTIP will probably be positive, but modest. But there are risks. They must not become an alternative to the WTO or an attempt to push China to the margins of trade policy making. They must not be used to impose damaging regulations or subvert legitimate ones. T carefully. Overreaching could prove counterproductive even to the cause of global trade liberalisation.总而言之,TPP和TTIP的好处可能是积极的,但程度有限。但是这其中存在风险。必须避免用它们替代世界贸易组织、或把中国推向贸易政策制定边缘的企图。它们不得被用于推行破坏性的法规或是颠覆正当法规。必须谨慎行事。把手伸得过长可能会适得其反,甚至不利于全球贸易自由化事业。来 /201505/376112

China’s artificial islands are fuelling a new struggle for control of Asia’s oceans, but while the regional superpower dredges military bases out of the ocean, Japan is growing an island in a bathtub.中国的人工岛正引燃一场争夺亚洲海洋控制权的新斗争。然而,在这个地区超级大国在海上吹填出军事基地的同时,日本正在水槽中“种植”一个岛。The island is called Okinotorishima, or “distant bird island a remote, storm-wracked coral atoll in the Philippine Sea, where two small outcrops protrude at high tide. Japan regards the atoll as its southernmost point; China says it is no island, merely a rock.日本称这个岛为“冲之鸟岛”(Okinotorishima,意为遥远的鸟岛,中国称为“冲之鸟礁”——译者注),位于菲律宾海(Philippine Sea),是一个遥远的、风暴肆虐的珊瑚环礁,在涨潮后只有两块?石露出水面。日本将这个环礁视为日本的最南端;中国则称它并不是岛,只是礁石。For millennia, as the land beneath it sunk, layers of coral grew on top and kept the atoll’s head above water. But now Okinotorishima is dying. Climate change is raising the sea level and killing the coral. Typhoons bite at what remains.几千年来,随着环礁下方的土地下沉,层层珊瑚在顶上生长,使环礁的顶端一直保持在水面之上。但现在冲之鸟正在走向死亡。气候变化正在抬高海平面,并杀死珊瑚。台风则侵蚀着剩下的部分。Japan is therefore on a desperate quest to regrow the reef. The results will decide the fate of a strategic redoubt, with legal repercussions in the South China Sea, and could offer hope to other atolls threatened by climate change.因此,日本竭力寻求让珊瑚礁重新生长。其结果将决定一个战略性据点的命运,给南中国海(South China Sea)带来法律上的影响,还可能会给其他受气候变化威胁的环礁带来希望。The bathtub, full of baby coral growing on iron plates, sits in a greenhouse at the Deep Seawater Research Institute on the island of Kumejima. Workers explain how they brought coral from Okinotorishima and harvested eggs. They will grow the baby corals in this laboratory for a year then transplant them back to the atoll.上文所提的水槽位于久米Kumejima)上的冲绳县海洋深层水研究所(Deep Seawater Research Institute)的一间温室里,水槽中全都是在铁片上生长的珊瑚幼虫。工作人员解释了他们如何从冲之鸟带回珊瑚并收集珊瑚虫卵。他们将在这间实验室里培育珊瑚幼虫一年,然后将它们移植回该环礁上。For the scientists working on the project it is a battle with the ocean. They have successfully cultivated coral from the reef and transplanted it back to the island, but it is not enough. “The next technology is keeping up with the rising sea by coral growth and accumulation of coral gravels and sand,says Hajime Kayanne, a professor at the University of Tokyo.对于参与该项目的科学家而言,这是一场与大海的战斗。他们已经成功从珊瑚礁上培育珊瑚并移植回该岛礁上,但这还不够。“下一项技术……是使珊瑚的生长以及珊瑚骨和砂砾的累积赶上海平面的上升,”东京大University of Tokyo)教授茅根Hajime Kayanne)表示。“Our experiments with planting coral on Okinotorishima are ongoing,says Makoto Omori, emeritus professor at the Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology. “We’ve made progress in expanding the area of coral planted, but the death rate of the transplanted coral is high, so we can’t yet say the amount of coral on the island is increasing.”“我们在冲之鸟上种植珊瑚的实验正在进行当中,”东京海洋大Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology)名誉教授大森Makoto Omori)表示,“我们在扩展珊瑚种植面积方面取得了进展,但移植的珊瑚死亡率很高,因此我们还不能说岛上的珊瑚数量正在增加。”No amount of transplantation can revive a reef by itself, says Mr Omori. Rather, the goal is for the transplants to sp across the atoll. Working in such a remote place is challenging because it is hard to monitor the coral.大森表示,移植再多也无法使珊瑚礁自行恢复生长。实际上,这项工作的目标是让移植的珊瑚分布在整个环礁上。在如此遥远的地方从事这样的工作具有挑战性,因为难以对珊瑚进行监测。For the scientists, rescuing Okinotorishima means saving the world’s coral, and the many islands that exist because of it. In the past four decades, 40 per cent of the world’s reefs have died.对这些科学家而言,拯救冲之鸟意味着拯救全世界的珊瑚,以及许多因珊瑚而存在的岛屿。过0年,全世界有40%的珊瑚礁已经死亡。“The ecotechnology established in Okinotorishima can be applied to all the small atoll islands in the Pacific and Indian Ocean,says Mr Kayanne. “We have almost 500 atolls in the world, and some island countries such as the Marshalls, Tuvalu, Kiribati and the Maldives are completely formed of atolls.”“在冲之鸟开创的生态技术可以用于太平洋和印度洋上的所有小型环礁岛,”茅根表示,“世界上有近500个珊瑚环礁,马绍尔群岛,图瓦卢,基里巴斯和马尔代夫等岛国完全是由环礁形成的。”Japan’s generous funding has baser motives, however the tiny reef looms large in the minds of military planners. Strategists talk of the two island chains separating China from the Pacific: the first running through the main Japanese islands, to Okinawa and Taiwan; the second through Japan’s Ogasawara Islands to the Marianas and the US submarine base at Guam.不过,日本慷慨的资金持具有更根本的动机——在军事规划人员心中,这个弹丸大小的珊瑚礁意义重大。战略家提到了将中国与太平洋分隔开来的两个岛链:第一岛链穿过日本本土的主要岛屿,连至冲绳和台湾;第二岛链则穿过日本的小笠原群Ogasawara Islands),一直到马里亚纳群岛和美国在关岛的潜艇基地。In a hypothetical future conflict between the US and China, their navies would collide in the ocean between the two chains and Okinotorishima is the only speck of land in those waters.在假想的美中未来冲突情景中,两国海军将在这两个岛链之间的海域发生冲突,而冲之鸟是该海域内仅有的一小块陆地。Hideaki Kaneda, a retired vice-admiral now at the Okazaki Institute, points out three ways in which the location matters to Japan’s security. First, he says, it would be a crucial theatre “for the Chinese military to deny access to reinforcements coming from the east目前在冈崎研究所(Okazaki Institute)任职的退役海军中将金田秀Hideaki Kaneda)指出,从三个方面来说,冲之鸟的位置对日本安全十分重要。他说,首先,冲之鸟将是“中国军队拒止来自东面的增援部队”的关键战场。Second, Okinotorishima sits on the route Chinese nuclear submarines would take out into the Pacific, towards patrolling positions against the US. Third, it lies close to the sea lanes on which raw materials flow to Japan from northern and western Australian ports.其次,冲之鸟坐落在中国核潜艇进入太平洋前往防美巡逻岗位的航道上。第三,它的位置靠近原材料从澳大利亚北部和西部港口流入日本的海上通道。That makes a 200-mile exclusive economic zone around Okinotorishima, and thus greater control of those waters, a strategic asset beyond even the natural resources that might lie beneath the surface.因此,假如冲之鸟拥有200海里专属经济区、并由此获得对该水域的更大控制权,它将成为一项战略资产,其价值甚至比该区域海平面下可能蕴含的自然资源还要宝贵。Only an island can generate an exclusive economic zone, however, not a rock which is the other reason why Japan is trying to regrow the coral, rather than mirroring China by laying down a few thousand tonnes of sand and concrete.不过,只有岛屿才拥有专属经济区,礁石则不胀?这也是日本试图让珊瑚在冲之鸟恢复生长、而不是照搬中国的办法、在这里倾卸成千上万吨沙子和混凝土的另一个原因。Article 121 of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea defines an island as a “naturally formed area of landwhich is “above water at high tide It excludes “rocks which cannot sustain human habitation or economic life of their own按照《联合国海洋法公约UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, UNCLOS)21条的定义,岛屿是“在高潮时高于水面的自然形成的陆地区域”。这一定义排除了“不能维持人类居住或者本身的经济生活的礁石”。China’s new islands in the South China Sea are artificial. If Japan revives the coral on Okinotorishima, however, it can argue the feature is “naturally formed At the same time, the very activity of farming coral is part of Japan’s effort to show the atoll has an economic life, and support its more dubious contention that Okinotorishima is not a “rock中国在南中国海的新岛屿是人造的。然而,如果日本令冲之鸟的珊瑚得以恢复生长,它可以辩称这一地貌是“自然形成的”。与此同时,种植珊瑚的活动本身,也是日本想要明该珊瑚礁有经济生活的努力的一部分,从而持其不太站得住脚的冲之鸟不是“礁石”的论点。“There is no clear definition of rocks in UNCLOS this is the government of Japan’s stance,says Mr Kaneda. “Historically, Japan has sustained the ‘economic lifeof the island.”金田表示:“日本政府的立场是,《联合国海洋法公约》中没有对礁石的明确定义。从历史的角度来说,日本一直维持着该岛的‘经济生活’。”By taking this position, Japan hopes to claim Okinotorishima as an island with its own EEZ, while still opposing China’s reclamation in the South China Sea. Some scholars argue it would be wiser to give up the claim the better to assert China’s island-building is illegitimate but the military value of Okinotorishima makes that unlikely.通过采取这种立场,日本政府希望能在继续反对中国在南中国海填海造岛行为的同时,主张冲之鸟是一个拥有专属经济区的岛屿。部分学者辩称,更明智的做法是放弃这一主张(这么做更有利于声称中国的造岛行为非法),但冲之鸟的军事价值使得日本政府不太可能这么做。Legal wrangles will not matter if the atoll erodes away, however. “We’ve had various problems and failures along the way, but next year we expect to plant three hectares of coral,says Mr Omori. “A three hectare plantation will be a world first.”不过,如果该环礁被一点点侵蚀殆尽,法律上的争执将变得毫无意义。“我们遭遇了各种各样的问题和失败,但明年我们预计会种公顷珊瑚。”大森表示,公顷的珊瑚种植将是世界上的首例。”来 /201601/419665

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