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江油市立体绣眉培训学校哪家好

2017年10月24日 06:48:49来源:飞度好专家

The Supreme Court itself has aly endorsed limits after 24 weeks, the point at which a fetus is considered to be viable outside the womb, putting it squarely alongside public opinion.最高法院本身已赞同怀24周后禁止堕胎,因为此时胎儿在子宫外可存活。最高法院的态度正好与近来的民意一致。The best way forward would be to pass legislation to this effect.要达到该目的,如今最好的办法就是立法。But there is no chance of that, because the two sides are farther apart than ever, with some pro-choice groups arguing that abortion is an absolute right that cannot be restricted under any circumstances, and their pro-life opponents retorting that all abortions are acts of murder.但这几乎不可能,因为重选择与重生命双方在堕胎问题上的分歧比以往更大。重选择的一方认为堕胎是一种绝对权利,在任何情况下都不能被限制;而重生命的一方则反驳,认为所有的堕胎都是谋杀行为。The shift to the extremes has been most noticeable among Republicans.走极端这种问题在共和党内最为明显。Marco Rubio, who currently looks a good bet to win his partys presidential nomination, is in favour of any law that promises to reduce the number of abortions, even one without exclusions for rape or incest.目前最有可能赢得共和党总统提名的马克罗·鲁比奥,持任何承诺能减少堕胎数量的法律,即使那份法案没有排除强奸和乱伦。In the past four years state legislatures have put in place 231 restrictions on abortions—more than in the whole of the previous decade.在过去的四年里,州议会已实施了231项限制堕胎的规定,比过去十年加起来的都多。Bill of rights权利法案To make abortion safe, legal and rare remains a good aim for Americas laws.使堕胎的安全化、合法化及减少堕胎仍是美国法律追求的目标。But closing legal abortion clinics does nothing for safety, whatever the proponents of the Texan law claim.不管德州堕胎法的持者怎么说,关闭合法的堕胎诊所对堕胎的安全性没有任何帮助。If such restrictions are adopted more widely, abortion will, in practice, become illegal in many places, leading to the return of dangerous, clandestine procedures.如果更多地区采用这些限制条例,那么堕胎实际上在很多地方将不合法,而那些危险隐秘的堕胎程序将回归,It will not necessarily become rarer.堕胎不一定会更少。Whatever the law, abortions will be carried out.不管法律怎么限制,堕胎总会存在。The appeals court which upheld HB2 earlier this year acknowledged as much when it wrote that Texans who wanted an abortion could in future drive to New Mexico.今年年初,持HB2的上诉法院指出,想要堕胎的德州人未来可以开车到新墨西哥州进行,这样的论调也承认了法律限制堕胎的有限作用。Factors other than its legality are more important in lowering the abortion rate.相比堕胎的合法性,其他因素对降低堕胎率的作用更为重大。Between 2002 and 2011—just before some states began to pile on restrictions—Americas abortion rate dropped by 14%, largely because the rate of teenage pregnancy fell.2002年至2011年间,即一些州出台堕胎限制条令之前,美国的堕胎率下降14%,这主要是因为少女怀率降低了。That nine unelected justices can do a better job of reflecting what America, in aggregate, favours than thousands of elected politicians in Washington or state capitols—as they did when ruling for gay marriage—is a painful indictment of American politics.总的来说,与华盛顿或州议会选举出的数千名政客相较,最高法院那9名未经选举的法官似乎更能理解与反映美国所推崇的文化。正如在裁决同性婚姻问题时他们的做法一般。那是对美国政治活动的控诉,It is nevertheless true.尽管有点痛苦,却是真的。Despite the reaction it will provoke, the court should strike down HB2.不管会引发什么连锁反应,最高法院都应该驳回HB2。翻译:叶露 校对 戴秀平 译文属译生译世 /201603/432175。

  • Household wealth家庭财富The balance-sheet boom资产负债表的繁荣Household wealth, and debt, is forecast to swell in 2015预计2015年家庭财富和债务将膨胀WITH the excesses of Christmas nearly over, Britons are planning their budgets for the new year. Their decisions will be crucial for the economy. After paying down debts to repair their balance-sheets in the years after the financial crisis, consumers are spending again. Yet wealth, like wages, remains lower than in 2007. A recovery in riches is an essential component of official forecasts for further growth.随着圣诞节购物狂潮接近尾声,英国人开始进行新一年的规划预算。他们的决定对经济状况至关重要。金融危机之后几年,在偿还完资产负债表的债务后,消费者们又开始消费了。然而家庭财富和工资一样,仍然低于2007年。财富复苏是官方预测未来发展的一个必要因素。When the financial crisis hit, wealth immediately suffered (unlike real wages, which hardly budged in 2008 but have fallen every year since). Household net worth—ie, assets minus debts—plummeted by 12% in 2008, driven by a 13% fall in housing wealth, which makes up just under half of all household assets. The hole is not yet filled: adjusting for inflation, housing wealth—168,000 (1,000) per household—remains 13% below its pre-crisis peak. Financial wealth, which includes investments in stocks and shares, has fared slightly better, but is still down 4% on 2007.当金融危机袭来时,财富首当其冲遭受损害(不像实际的工资,2008年勉强回升但从那以后逐年下降)。家庭净值,也就是资产减去债务,在2008年骤然下降了12%,这是受了约占家庭资产一半的房屋财富下降13%的影响。这个窟窿至今还没有被填上:通货膨胀调整、家庭财富(每户168,000英镑(261,000)美元)保持在比危机前峰值低13%的水平。包括股票投资在内的金融财富稍有起色,但仍比2007年低7%。As a result, households reduced their debts from 2008. Savings jumped from around 7% of income pre-crisis to 11% by 2010. By 2013 the average household had 62,000 worth of debt, down 16% in real terms on 2007. Largely as a result of this frugality, household net worth, which averaged 320,000 in 2013, has recovered about half its losses from the crisis.其结果就是,自2008年以来,家庭减少了债务。危机前约占收入7%的储蓄在2010年达到了11%。2013年,每家约有62,000镑的债务,扣除物价因素比2007年降低了16%。在这种俭省的影响下,2013年平均为320,000英镑的家庭净值已挽回了危机中一半的损失。That suggests that balance-sheets are not fully patched up. Yet consumers have been spending more; since 2013 saving has hovered around its pre-crisis level. And forecasts by the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR), Britains fiscal watchdog, see it falling further still, from 6.6% of income in 2014 to 5.4% in 2015 and then 4.8% by 2019.这表明资产负债表并没有完全被修补好。然而消费者已经开始增加出了,自2013年,储蓄就在危机前水平左右徘徊。英国财政监督部门预算责任办公室(OBR)预测,储蓄将会进一步下降,从2014年收入的6.6%下降到2015年的5.4%,然后到2019年的4.8%。Several factors lie behind the reversal. Better employment prospects mean workers are less in need of rainy-day funds. They might also expect wage growth and want to borrow against that future income. But the most significant factor is recent house-price growth, which boosts homeowners wealth without them needing to save. House prices are up 17.5% on average since 2012 (30% in London) and the OBR reckons a further rise of 7.4% is on the cards in 2015.这个逆转背后有几个因素。更好的就业前景意味着工人们没那么需要雨天基金了。他们也可以期望涨工资和预工资。但最重要的一个因素就是最近的房价增长,这使房主的财富增长,不需要存钱了。自2012年以来,房价平均上涨了17.5%(伦敦上涨了30%)。OBR预测2015年可能会进一步上涨7.4%。It was a housing boom that allowed the aggregate debt-to-income ratio to reach a record high of close to 170% before the crisis. The OBR now forecasts another balance-sheet boom, with debt surpassing its pre-crisis high in 2017 and reaching 184% of income by 2020.正是房屋市场的繁荣让整体上的债务收入比达到了历史新高,约是危机前的170%。OBR预测将有新一轮资产负债表繁荣,债务将在2017年超过危机前最高水平,在2020年达到收入的184%。This is troubling. If puffed-up house prices prove temporary—as in 2007—high debt could leave households vulnerable and harm the financial system. Housing is illiquid, meaning that in a crisis fire-sales can cause prices to fall rapidly. Even at current levels—146% of income—the Bank of England rightly frets about household debt, and in October limited the number of high-risk mortgages banks can issue (the market has cooled slightly since). The banks concern makes the OBRs forecast look either wrong or terrifying.这很棘手。如果和2007年一样膨胀的房价只是暂时的,高额债务可能让家庭财富不堪一击并损害到财政系统。住房是不动产,意味着在危机大甩卖中,房价可能骤跌。即使在现在水平——收入的146%,英国央行担忧家庭债务也无可厚非,在10月份,央行限制了能提供高风险抵押贷款的数(自那以后市场就稍微冷却了)。央行的担忧使得OBR的预测看起来要么错了,要么令人惊恐。In addition, saving is lower than the figures suggest, according to a recent working paper by John Ralfe, a pensions consultant, and Bernard Casey of Warwick University. The (recently revised) statistics fail to count pension payouts as running down savings. Adjust for this and the savings rate fell to -0.2% in 2013 and will become more sharply negative if the OBR forecast is borne out. So much for an end to Christmas excess.另外,根据养老金顾问约翰·拉尔夫和华威大学的伯纳德·卡西的一篇工作论文所说,实际储蓄比数据显示的要低。(最近修订的)数据没有将养老金出当作储蓄流失算进去。对此进行调整后,2013年的储蓄率下降到了-0.2%,如果OBR的预测成真,那这一负数将更大。这就是本次圣诞购物狂欢的大体状况。译者:王颖 校对:毛慧 译文属译生译世 /201501/352549。
  • Private tuition私人补习Premium economy优质经济舱Private education is becoming more egalitarian民办教育变得越来越平等WHEN Charlotte Hobbs decided to teach her 11-year-old pupil about the “imaginary” maths needed to work out the square root of a negative number, she knew it would be a stretch. But her ambition paid off: the girl quickly mastered the concept and now hopes to study maths at university. Most remarkably, Ms Hobbs achieved her feat in a foster home, not a west London Victorian terrace.当夏洛特·霍布斯决定教她11岁的学生用来计算负数平方根的虚数时,她知道这是一个艰巨的任务。但她的抱负最终得以实现:这个女孩很快掌握了概念并希望在大学学习数学专业。最值得注意的是,霍布斯女士在一个普通的寄养家庭就取得了这样的成就,而不是在维多利亚式露台建筑风格的中产家庭里。Private tuition has long been popular with the rich. A gaggle of London-based firms hire new graduates from Oxford and Cambridge who charge £70-£100 an hour to prepare children for independent-school entrance exams taken at 11 or 13. Yet thanks to ambitious parents and government policies, many more children from lower-income families are being tutored.私人补习一直受到富人的欢迎。一些总部位于伦敦的公司聘请刚从牛津、剑桥毕业的学生帮助11岁或13岁的孩子准备私立学校入学考试,他们每小时收费70到100英镑。然而,由于那些望子成龙的父母和政府的政策,更多低收入家庭的孩子也开始补习。The primary force is the pupil premium, a scheme that channels extra money to schools with poorer pupils. This payment, which is rising from £623 (0) per pupil this year to £900 in 2014, has created a market for private tuition in state schools. Ms Hobbs works for Tutor Trust, a not-for-profit organisation which provides one-to-one sessions for £18 an hour. The firm’s 220 tutors tend to be students at Manchester University keen to earn some extra cash. Since February 2012 they have taught for more than 10,000 hours in schools across the city. According to figures from Ofsted, the education regulator, two-fifths of schools are using their pupil-premium cash to pay for one-on-one tuition; a third are using it for group tuition. The aim is to improve results and shrink the yawning gap between the academic achievements of poor children and richer ones in England’s schools.这一现象最主要的动力来自学生奖学金计划,这个计划把额外的钱拨给贫困学子。这笔款项将从今年的623英镑(约合950美元)在2014年涨到900英镑,这也为在公立学校提供私人补习创造了市场。霍布斯女士为“Tutor Trust”工作,这个非营利组织提供每小时18英镑的一对一辅导。公司的220名老师大多是曼彻斯特大学想要赚点外快的学生。从2012年2月开始,他们已经在这个城市教授超过10000小时的课程。根据教育主管机构Ofsted的数据,五分之二的学校用学生奖学金付一对一辅导费用;三分之一用此付集体辅导费用。这项计划的目的是要提高教学成果并减少英国学校贫富学生之间学业成绩的鸿沟。But it is not just the hardest-up who are getting private help: parents on ordinary incomes are hiring more tutors, too. Explore Learning, a private-tuition chain, says that many of its customers use government child-care vouchers (which are tax-free) to pay for tuition. Lower earners receiving tax credits can claim back up to 70% of the cost. It helps that franchises such as Kumon, a Japanese firm, lower costs for parents by teaching in groups. These kinds of out-of-hours outfits have long been popular in East Asia: roughly three-quarters of South Korean students attend a hagwon after school.对于接受私人补习的人来说,补习费不是最大的障碍:工薪阶层的父母也聘请很多辅导老师。一个名为Explore Learning的私人连锁教育机构声称他们许多客户都使用政府托儿券(免税)来付学费。中低收入者的税收抵免能返还70%的费用。一些像日本Kumon这样的特许公司提供的集体教学也帮家长减少了费用。这种课后补习机构在东亚一直很流行:粗略计算,四分之三的韩国学生放学后都要参加补习班。This combination of rising subsidies and fiercer competition means that the army of tutors is likely to get bigger. This should be welcome news. The Education Endowment Foundation, a charity, estimates that a year of one-to-one tuition is equivalent to five additional months of schooling. Tutors are particularly valuable for difficult subjects such as maths. The government’s aim—to ensure that more of England’s poorer children reach their potential—is still an aspiration. If its policies break the link between tutoring and income, it may yet become fact.增加的补贴以及激烈的竞争意味着辅导老师队伍将会进一步壮大。这将是一个可喜的消息。一个慈善机构—教育捐助基金会估计一年一对一辅导相当于五个月的学校教育。对于像数学一样十分困难的科目来说,辅导老师就显得特别有价值。政府的目标是确保更多英国的贫困儿童的潜能得到发掘,但这只是个仍未的抱负。如果政策能打破辅导和收入之间的关联,这个目标也许能成为现实。译者:周洋 校对:程丽蓉 /201512/417290。
  • Bagehot白芝浩General Osborne奥斯本将军The chancellors fifth budget was full of trickery—yet utterly serious财政大臣发布的第五个财政预算诡计连连—但确实严肃“NOW this is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning.” Churchills genius for spin, after El Alamein had delivered the first big British victory of the second world war, is illustrated by how little-remembered are the modest claims he went on to make for that triumph. “Henceforth,” he continued, “Hitlers Nazis will meet equally well-armed, and perhaps better-armed, troops.” That was a weaselly fudge if ever Bagehot heard one.“现在还没到结局的时候,甚至这不是结局的起点,但是这是开始的终点。”当阿拉曼传来英国在二战中首次大捷的消息后,丘吉尔在其用来称赞此次胜利的公告中有这么几句不引人注意却又最贴切的话,这使得丘吉尔口吐莲花的天赋显露无遗。他继续说道“今后,希特勒的纳粹军队会遭遇装备同样精良,甚至是更好的军队。” 如果白芝浩听到过含糊的外交辞令,也还会认为这是相当狡猾的一句。George Osborne faced a similarly daunting exercise in expectations management when delivering his fifth budget on March 19th. Wan with nerves, the chancellor of the exchequer was able to announce to Parliament the best economic figures in five years of faltering growth, falling living standards and painful spending cuts. The economy is growing faster than in any other large rich country. It is creating record numbers of jobs: for the first time in three decades Britains employment rate is higher than Americas. The budget deficit is edging downwards. The difficulty for the chancellor was that, having been for so long denied, people want jam, which he was bound to refuse them. The deficit, at around £108 billion (9 billion) this year, or 6.6% of GDP, is too large to support the tax cuts that many of his Conservative colleagues are demanding. But, while bound to disappoint, Mr Osborne needed to avoid seeming so cautious as to crush confidence in the recovery and his own stewardship of it. His task was to celebrate and reassure, yet give away almost nothing.3月19日,奥斯本提交其第五个财政预算报告,并回应大众的期待。这与(丘吉尔)如临深渊的情形十分相似。这位财政大臣面色苍白,紧张兮兮地向国会宣读了经济疲软、生活标准下降和财政紧缩的五年以来令人振奋的经济数据。英国的经济增长比其他的大经济体都要快。新增就业数量破了纪录:三十年来英国就业率头一次超越美国。而财政赤字也正快速下降。不可否认,人民是想要甜头的。奥斯本的困难在于他决心拒绝这种诉求。今年的赤字约有1080亿英镑(1790亿美元),占GDP6.6%。 如果按照一些奥斯本的保守党同僚的盘算的那样削减税收,这赤字就规模太大而无法给予持。但他必须避免因为态度谨慎而打击了(人们)对经济复苏的信心,以及他对党的领导。他的任务本来就是欢呼庆祝,巩固经济势头,而不能给(民众)添福利。He managed that, first by reminding Britons of the state they were in when the Tory-led coalition took over in 2010. The economy had suffered the deepest recession of modern times and seen the worlds biggest bank bail-out. The government was borrowing a quarter of what it spent. That history lesson done with, Mr Osborne began to relax, and a dab of colour returned to his pallid cheeks. Britain was recovering from these horrors, he said, because of its adherence to “the plan”.他做到了。首先,在托尼领导的党派联盟2010年赢得大选时,他就提醒英国民众英国当时的状况。此次经济衰退为进入现代历史以来最为严重的一次。本国纾困的规模也举世罕见。政府四分之一的开由借贷而来。好在这段历史翻过去了。奥斯本可以放松,一抹血色也出现在他苍白的脸颊上。他说,英国在这些可怕的情况中走出来了,这要归功于贯彻下来的(经济) “计划”。He referred to a raft of spending cuts, tax increases and pro-business gestures designed with a view to restoring the public finances to surplus by 2018. That target is, in fact, less fixed than Mr Osborne implies. It was pushed back several times while the economy languished: the deficit was originally to have been closed before next years general election. The plan is, in short, little more than an expression of the chancellors own shifting economic judgment.他指的计划是减少开,增加税收和刺激商业等一揽子措施,以期2018年时公共财政能增长且有盈余。这个目标其实并不像奥斯本说的那么坚决。经济不景气时,计划推迟了好几次:本来明年大选之前赤字应该消除了的。简而言之,这个计划不过是奥斯本自己对不断变化的经济结论的一个表达。No matter. The recovery, and his political rivals failure to predict it, has enshrined the plan as sacred and inflexible. This is a mark of the political capital Mr Osborne is now drawing on, even as he admitted the economys many remaining weaknesses. His Labour Party rival, the shadow chancellor Ed Balls, who chuntered grudgingly throughout the budget speech, appears to have been outdone. So have Mr Osbornes many erstwhile Tory critics. The apparently daunting task of arguing that the economy is stronger yet still too weak for giveaways turned out to be a cinch. The chancellor was triumphant.不过这没什么关系。经济复苏了,他的政治对手又没有预料到这一点,使得这个计划变得神圣不可动摇。这也是奥斯本所倚重的标志性政治资本,即便他承认经济还有还多缺点。他的工党对手,影子财政大臣艾德.鲍斯在整个演讲期间都心有不甘的喃喃自语,看上去已经被淘汰了。托尼.布莱尔执政时期很多批评奥斯本的人也是这样。至于那个显然烫手山芋似的任务,即申明经济虽然好转但依然无力分派福利,现在也把握十足。奥斯本现在得意万分。That patently owes as much to crafty politics as to economics, and Mr Osborne showed plenty more in his speech. It was less weaselly than stoat-like—a whirligig of policies and pledges that appeared more fascinating than substantial. They included several previously flagged traps for Labour. Legislation to cap the welfare bill—a popular idea, tricky for Labour, and of only token importance to the cost of welfare—is to be introduced to Parliament next week. Announcing some money for next years 800th anniversary of the Magna Carta, the chancellor even found the opportunity to invite comparison between the medieval monarch it humbled, King John, and another brother-betrayer, Labours leader Ed Miliband. It was one of the better budget gags.这个胜利除了经济原因,也要归功于其灵活的政治手腕。而奥斯本在他的演讲中披露了其他的原因。这并非是白鼬一般的狡猾,而仅仅是让政策与承诺看上去吸引人,而非简单的有料。其中包括了工党之前树立的几项旗帜性的(政策)口号。通过立法给福利开设定上限是一项广受欢迎的政策,是工党(收买人心)的把戏,其面子功夫上的重要性掩盖了福利成本。而这个政策下周就会提交到议会。在宣告明年举行大宪章800周年庆典的预算之际,奥斯本甚至找了个机会比较起中世纪享有盛誉的君主约翰与一个脱党的同志——工党魁首文立彬。这是结束预算讨论的好招之一。The chancellors more substantial offers appeared similarly designed to outfox his rivals. By raising the income tax threshold to £10,500, Mr Osborne will hope to woo aspirational low earners, a group that currently votes, if at all, for anyone except the Tories. By giving retirees more say over their pension pots, a more ambitious ploy, he must hope to stanch the seepage of silver-haired Tory voters to the UK Independence Party, which has no economic policy to speak of. To give the chancellor his due, pulling out a surprise liberal reform of this kind seemed also a sensible way to negate the unrealistic demands for a splurge.奥斯本手里更多的实打实计划同样是用来智胜竞争对手的。通过将收入税门槛升至10,500英镑,奥斯本希望能吸引有迫切渴求的低收入者。如果他们去投票的话,这些人会持任何一个候选人,除了保守党人。通过给这些退休人员更多的养老金这样一个更有野心的策略,奥斯本肯定希望阻止白发苍苍的保守党选民流失到英国独立党那里。后者没有什么经济政策可言。为了对奥斯本公平起见,这种类似自由派的改革看上去也是较合适的方法来打消(民众)不切实际的挥霍要求。The method in his trickery施诡计的方法And there is an important truth in that. Though Mr Osbornes trickery is always evident, so, increasingly, is the seriousness of his purpose. For all his feints, traps and compromises, the chancellor has so far stripped the public sector of 600,000 jobs, capped welfare and overseen, in a downturn, historic growth in private-sector employment. He has cut business taxes, thereby persuading employers to accept a rise in the minimum wage.奥斯本的诡计中有个重要的事实。尽管奥斯本很明显用了诡计,但是,更得提的是他严肃的目的。除了佯攻,圈套和承诺,到目前为止,他已经在公共部门削减了60万个职位,封顶了福利项目,并在这个经济衰退时期监督着私营部门的历史性增长。他还降低了营业税,因此促使雇主提高了最低工资。It is reasonable to argue about whether Mr Osbornes measures have been just. Next years election campaign will accordingly pit the Tory claim to have managed the economy well against Labours aspiration to manage it more fairly. But no one should doubt the clarity of the vision that is driving the Conservative chancellor. Whereas David Cameron, the prime minister, promised to change Britain, with a fuzzy idea of volunteerism, Mr Osborne is actually changing it.奥斯本的措施是否恰当?对其争论自然是合理的。照目前的情形,明年的竞选运动肯定会刻上保守党的如下口号:保守党人把经济管理的更有效率,而工党只想着让经济更公平。但是不会有人怀疑这位保守党大臣所秉持的明确愿景。当首相大卫.卡梅伦改革英国的构想还停留在模糊的志愿精神时,奥斯本事实上已经去做了。His ambition is to make a more industrious society, less blighted by the entitlement culture that blossomed under Labour. Even after the deficit is no more, the chancellor believes, public spending should be held down. Again, his motives appear partly self-interested. Mr Osborne harbours leadership ambitions, and his ideas are finding more favour with the right of his party than Mr Cameron enjoys. The beneficiaries of his remodelled society might also be likelier to vote Tory. But just because the chancellors vision is political does not necessarily make it wrong.奥斯本有志于打造一个更加勤勉的社会,而不会被工党政府下培养起来的权利文化而影响得萎靡不振。当然,他的部分动机是自利。奥斯本控制了他的领导欲望。就保守党的一贯宗旨来说,奥斯本的观点得到越来越多的拥护,比卡梅伦得到的更多。在他重塑社会过程中得益的人也许更有可能给保守党投票。因此没有必要因为奥斯本的愿景政治意味浓厚就认定此计划是错误的。翻译:王化起 校对:周晓婷 译文属译生译世 /201509/401603。
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