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云南省大理妇幼保健人民中心中医院妇科挂号星岛公益

2018年04月20日 05:33:47
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大理东方妇科医院怎么样好吗大理妇科哪个医院比较好Humans may be no less a part of the animal kingdom than lions,tigers and bears, but certain things set us apart.或许人类的动物属性一点也不比狮子、老虎和熊少,但某些特征却将我们与它们区别开来。For instance,although like our mammalian cousins we use teeth to bite and chew food, were the only animalsthat brush after every meal.举例来说,虽然我们与其他哺乳动物一样用牙齿撕咬和咀嚼食物,但我们是唯一餐后刷牙的动物。And as four out of five dentists have reminded us on countless television commercials, using oneor another variety of toothpaste is crucial for keeping our teeth healthy.正如五个牙医中会有四个在数不胜数的电视商业广告中一直提醒我们的那样,使用不同种类的牙膏对保持牙齿健康至关重要。Like that fifth dentist who never seemed to know what was going on, you might have wonderedwhat toothpaste actually is, and how it helps ward off tooth decay.像永不情知的的第五个牙医一样,你可能会疑惑,牙膏到底是什么,它又如何帮助我们避免龋齿。Toothpaste consists of several ingredients, some of which youd never think to put in your mouth.牙膏含有多种成分,有一些你可能从未想过要把它们放进嘴里。For example, almost all toothpaste contains detergent, or soap.比方说,几乎所有的牙膏都含有清洁剂或肥皂。Getting your mouth washed outwith soap is supposed to be punishment, so what is it doing in toothpaste?直接用肥皂清洁嘴巴是一种惩罚,那么牙膏中含有的肥皂是如何清洁牙齿的呢?Although it has a slight antibacterial effect, its there mainly to make foam, which serves littlepurpose other than to provide a visual sign to the brusher that the toothpaste is hard at workfighting cavities.尽管肥皂有轻微的抗菌作用,但它主要是制造泡沫,这些泡沫除了向刷牙的人传递牙膏能有效抗击龋齿的视觉信号外毫无作用。Of course some ingredients play a more active role, the most famous of which is fluoride, a mineralcompound derived from the element fluorine.当然牙膏里有一些成分在发挥着更为积极的作用,当其中最广为人知的还是氟化物,这是一种从氟元素中提取出来的无机化合物。Fluoride protects teeth in two ways: it kills acid-producing bacteria which are mainly responsible for tooth decay, and it strengthens and repairstooth enamel that has been softened by the acid.氟化物以两种方式保护牙齿:首先,它能够杀死龋齿元凶-造酸细菌;另外,它还可以固化、修复被酸软化的牙釉质。So far as we know, the only drawback to using toothpaste is that it makes drinking orange juiceafter brushing a pretty unpleasant taste experience.据我们所知,使用牙膏的唯一缺点在于:它使人们刷牙后饮用橙汁成为一种相当不悦的味觉体验。But thats a small price to pay for healthyteeth.但这只是为牙齿健康付出的一点小小代价。 201403/278687Financial-technology firms金融技术公司Apps at the gate应用近在咫尺Tech start-ups promise to transform finance, if regulators will let them如果监管者允许,技术创业公司希望改变金融业Aug 3rd 2013 |From the print editionTWO millennia after the Temple was cleansed of money-changers, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Justin Welby, plans to open his churches to moneylenders. This is no capitulation in the struggle between God and Mammon. It is an effort to “compete out of existence” payday lenders that offer expensive loans by supporting not-for-profit credit unions.在寺院与金钱交易撇清关系两千年之后,坎特伯雷大主教Justin Welby计划开放教堂给放贷者。这不是选择上帝或者贪婪之间的妥协。这是通过持非盈利信用合作社让高利息贷款失去市场。The archbishop is right that more competition is needed, but old-fashioned credit unions are unlikely to be able to beat the slick systems and snappy service of online providers, like Wonga. A more effective way of pushing down rates would be lighter regulation to allow more lenders to flourish.大主教是对的,确实需要加强竞争,而这些老古董也不太可能被像Wonga之类的拥有更加灵活的系统和快速的务的网上金融务提供商击败。推低利率更有效的方法是放松监管,允许更多放贷者进入市场。Digital communications have given birth to a new generation of finance companies (see article). Money-transfer agents such as Xoom have drastically cut the time and costs for migrant workers to send money home. Peer-to-peer lenders are matching savers and borrowers, slashing fees and delivering a better deal to both. New foreign-exchange firms are giving travellers access to the prices ed on wholesale currency markets. Card companies such as Square and iZettle let anyone from yoga teachers to plumbers accept payments by credit card. Firms such as M-Pesa have given millions of people in developing countries access to mobile money.线上交流已经催生出了新一代的金融公司。像Xoom这种转帐机构大大减少了外国务工人员汇款回家的时间和费用。点对点借贷配对债权人和借债人,降低费用,给双方最好的选择。新的外汇公司让旅行者以大型外汇市场的汇率兑换现金。诸如Square和iZettle这样的信用卡公司让从瑜伽老师到管道工的客户都能使用信用卡消费。M-Pesa这类公司已经让发展中国家数百万的人民使用上了移动钱包。Heavy regulation of financial companies means many firms stick to small niches to skirt the boundaries of banking regulations. Peer-to-peer lenders do not offer savers the security of deposit insurance or the convenience of guaranteed instant access to their cash. This limits their appeal. Other firms that take deposits such as Holvi, a Finnish start-up that offers group accounts, are not allowed to lend. Those that do lend, such as Wonga, cannot take deposits.金融公司严格的监管制度意味着许多公司许多坚持小利基的公司要绕过监管的局限。点对点借贷不提供给债权人存款保或者直接取钱的便利。其他的公司像Holvi,一个位于芬兰提供集体账户的初创公司,只提供存款,但不能借贷。而像Wonga这样能借贷的公司则不能存款。Creating a financial-tech company is arduous. Whereas it takes less than a day to register a company in Britain, it takes months or years and can cost millions to get authorised as a bank. The number of new banks started over the past decade can almost be counted on one hand. Even those that have started, such as Metro Bank or Aldermore, are penalised by regulation: rules on capital favour large and complex firms. In America the Dodd-Frank Act is an imposing barrier to all but the biggest firms. And regulation is closing in on some existing firms. M-Pesa has struggled to grow much beyond Kenya, partly because authorities stand in its way. The market for remittances has been a hothouse for start-ups in Britain, partly because it was lightly regulated. Yet almost half the country’s money-transfer firms may be shut as banks close their accounts to comply with money-laundering rules.创建一家金融科技公司很费力。在英国一家普通公司可能不到一天就注册完成了,而要是成立一家则有可能经历长达数月甚至数年的审批,而且可能要花费上数百万的费用。过去十年里成立的数量一只手就能数过来。即使是成立了的像Metro Bank和Aldermore,都被监管部门处罚过。关于资本的规定更有利于大型公司。在美国,多德弗兰克法案对所有非大型公司是一个障碍。对很多公司的监管很严。M-Pesa努力在肯尼亚之外发展,部分原因就是政府出面阻碍其发展。在英国,汇款市场在初创公司中很火,部分原因就是其监管相对较松。但是如果以违反洗钱规则关闭它们的账户,那么近一半的转帐公司将会关门大吉。Banks need to be more heavily regulated than other firms because of their central role in the economy. However, governments could regulate more smartly, raising capital requirements for big and systemically important banks while easing the burden on smaller ones. Regulators should be even more relaxed about many of the new entrants to the market, most of which simply provide quicker and simpler ways of shifting money around. Most of these start-ups avoid the alchemy of banking—the transformation of short-term deposits into long-term loans—so pose little systemic risk.比其他公司的监管更严厉,原因是它们在经济活动中至关重要。但是,政府能更聪明地管理业。提高对大型系统性的监管,放松对小型的管理。监管人员应该对新入行的公司放轻松,这些公司只是提供更方便快捷的转账方式。大多数初创公司避开业的核心业务--将短期存款转换成长期借贷--这样系统性风险就很小了。The idea of lighter-touch regulation will seem to many an anathema after the financial crisis. It would certainly lead to more failures by small banks and start-ups. This would also impose some costs on society and deposit-guarantee schemes. Yet these costs would be outweighed by the enormous benefits to consumers and businesses of a far more competitive financial system.对很多人来说,金融危机之后放宽监管很危险。当然,放松监管会带来很多小和初创公司的失败。这也会给社会以及存款保计划带来很多代价。但是这些代价会被消费者的获利和金融系统更激烈的竞争所抵消。 /201308/251564大理60医院妇产科建卡要多少钱

大理剑川县治疗痛经哪家医院最好的大理省妇幼保健院地址Boom and bust in Asia亚洲的兴衰Going for growth谋求经济发展Explaining Asia’s economic success is as easy as one, two, three亚洲经济成功的秘诀用三点就足以概括Jul 13th 2013 |From the print editionHow Asia Works: Success and Failure in the World’s Most Dynamic Region. By Joe Studwell. Grove;《亚洲是如何运作的——论全球最具活力地区的成与败》,Joe Studwell 著。IN 1989 John Williamson, a British economist in Washington, DC, listed ten economic policies that enjoyed the backing of the IMF, the World Bank and many of their clients in Latin America. Whatever the merits of these policies, the “Washington consensus”, as he called it, proved badly named. Its prescriptions—stabilise, privatise and liberalise—have caused no end of controversy. Almost 25 years later, they get another drubbing in Joe Studwell’s provocative new book, “How Asia Works”.1989年,英国经济学家 John Williamson 在华盛顿提出了十条经济政策,受到了国际货币基金组织、世界以及拉丁美洲多国的持——这也就是他所谓的“华盛顿共识”。事实明,无论这些政策有何种优点,都远远算不上什么“共识”。“共识”指出要采取稳定化、私有化和自由化的措施,由此引发了无数争议。大约二十五年后的今天,Joe Studwell 推出了一本措辞激进的新书《亚洲是如何运作的》。在这本书里,Williamson 的这些经济政策又一次被批驳得体无完肤。But Mr Studwell’s own manifesto for economic success does resemble the Washington consensus in one respect: it holds that poor economies can prosper by following a short recipe of tried and tested policies. This is now an unfashionable approach among economists, who have turned their attention from policies to “institutions”: the social and political constraints that weigh on ministers, whatever policies they avow. Most authors shy away from prescriptions for success, arguing that every development dish is different.然而,就某方面而言,Studwell 本人对经济成功的阐述确实和“华盛顿共识”有几分相似之处:他认为贫穷经济体可以把某些经过尝试和考验的政策当作短期方针,以实现自身的繁荣。可经济学者们如今并不看好这种途径,已经把目光从政策转向了“体制”方面:因为无论政界高官持何种政策,社会和政治方面的约束总是会让他们裹足不前。很多作家都认为每个国家或地区的发展模式都是与众不同的,不愿意写书来阐述什么经济成功之道。Mr Studwell has no such inhibitions. Asia’s post-war miracle economies emerged, he argues, by following a recipe with just three ingredients: land reform; export-led, state-backed manufacturing; and financial repression.Studwell 却没有这种顾虑。他认为,有些亚洲经济体在战后奇迹般地崛起了,而它们成功的秘诀归根结底无非就是三点:一是土地改革;二是由出口带动、由国家持的制造业;三是金融抑制政策。The process began with the ousting of the landlords. Feudal estates were broken up and divided among small farmers, who also received cheap credit and valuable advice. Smallholder farming requires “grotesque” amounts of labour, Mr Studwell concedes. But that is a good thing, because countries as poor as Taiwan or South Korea were in the 1950s have labour—and only labour—in abundance.这些经济体的崛起是以地主退出历史舞台为起点的。封建式的私有地产被没收并分配给了小农户,同时他们还获得了低息贷款和宝贵的经验。Studwell 承认,小农型耕作需要“令人无法想象的”大量劳动力。但这不失为一件好事:因为在二十世纪五十年代,像台湾或是韩国这样贫穷的地区拥有大批劳动力——除此之外也没有别的了。Tightly planted, closely tended farms coax the best yields out of each parcel of land. This rural bounty then creates room for the next step: export-led manufacturing. The state, Mr Studwell argues, must nurse manufacturers through their infancy, helping them to learn how to stand on their own feet. This nurture should, however, be combined with discipline: the state must oblige firms to export. Foreign sales provide an external test of their progress, allowing the state to “cull losers”, even if it cannot pick winners.在这些地区,农场上种满了密密麻麻的作物,又受到了仔细的照料,每一块地都有很不错的产量。而后,这种农业上的富庶为亚洲繁荣的下一步(也就是由出口带动的制造业)创造了空间。Studwell 认为,国家必须在制造业者尚且处于“婴幼儿期”时为它们提供充分的呵护,让它们学会如何去依靠自身力量实现发展。然而,在呵护的同时还需要进行约束:国家必须强制要求这些公司进行出口。对外销量为制造业者的发展提供了一种外在的衡量尺度,让国家得以“淘汰弱者”——即便是在无法挑选出强者的情况下。The final secret of Asian success, Mr Studwell argues, was a cowed financial system. Captive savers, penned in by capital controls, were ripped off by the banks, which paid low interest rates. This allowed the banks to subsidise industrial firms through their years of education.Studwell 认为,亚洲成功的最后一条秘诀就是那种受到国家钳制的金融体系。提供的存款利率很低,但储户被资本管制所束缚,除了接受的讹诈之外别无选择。这笔资金让得以为产业公司提供了数年的“教育经费”。Mr Studwell’s recipe is not original: the formula dates back at least 140 years, he shows, to Japan under the Meiji emperor. Only the first step, smallholder farming, would be backed by this newspaper. But “How Asia Works” is a striking and enlightening book, which reflects the author’s unusual career. Having worked as an analyst (for the Economist Intelligence , our sister company) and a consultant, he wrote books on China’s seduction of foreign businessmen and Asia’s crony capitalists. Then he went back to school, embarking on a doctorate at Cambridge, home to a number of unorthodox economists.Studwell 的秘方并非独开先河。他表示这些成功秘诀至少可以追溯到一百四十年前明治天皇统治下的日本。而本报只对其中的第一步(也就是小农耕作)持持态度。不过,《亚洲是如何运作的》这本书确实富于启迪性,让人耳目一新。它折射了作者不寻常的职业生涯。Studwell 曾经在本报的姊公司经济学人信息部担任过分析人士,也曾经从事过咨询工作。他写过几本书,论述过中国对外商的吸引力、以及亚洲的裙带资本家等等。而后他回到校园攻读士学位,进的正是剑桥大学——这里有很多不拘传统的经济学家。The result is a lively mix of scholarship, reporting and polemic. Its heart is a historical account of how smallholder farming, export-led manufacturing and financial repression took root in Asia’s miracle economies, such as Japan and Taiwan, but failed to bed down in the Philippines and Indonesia. This is punctuated by travelogues, describing Asia’s landscape of economic triumph and tribulation, from the kitsch houses of rice farmers in Japan’s Niigata prefecture, who have great agricultural know-how but little architectural taste, to the unfinished towers of Jakarta’s Bank Alley, their growth stunted by the Asian financial crisis.最终,Studwell 把学术研究、调查报道以及书面论战生动地糅为一体。在一些创造奇迹的亚洲经济体中(比如日本和台湾),小农耕作、由出口带动的制造业以及金融抑制政策是如何植根的?在菲律宾和印度尼西亚,同样的措施又为何没有形成气候?本书重点从历史角度论述了这些问题。书中还穿插了一些游记见闻,描述了亚洲大地上经济繁荣或是衰颓的景象:Studwell 写到了日本新泻县稻农的简陋住所——这些农民有高超的农业技术,却不懂什么建筑美学;也写到了雅加达岸巷里尚未建成的塔楼——由于亚洲金融危机,这些塔楼迟迟未能完工。The most impressive part of the book is the 68 pages of footnotes in which Mr Studwell dips into his trove of ing and reporting. He includes observations on Javanese chickens, the sex life of a Korean chaebol-founder, the constitutional rules that Meiji-era Japan copied from Prussia and his exchanges with Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysia’s former strongman.本书让人印象最为深刻的部分就是长达68页的脚注。Studwell 读过很多书,也进行过大量报道,在脚注里他粗略提及了一些。他谈到了爪哇人饲养的鸡,谈到了韩国某个财团创始人的性生活,谈到了明治时代日本模仿普鲁士设立的宪章,还谈到了他和马来西亚前铁腕领导人马哈蒂尔#8226;穆罕默德之间的对话。In these notes, Mr Studwell wanders into the weeds of development (quite literally: Japanese rice is weeded nine times a year, he writes). But he never gets lost. The three-step doctrine he advocates is even shorter than the ten-step Washington consensus he opposes. But it will no doubt prove similarly controversial.在这些脚注中,Studwell 偶尔会提到一些阻碍经济发展的“杂草”(从字面意义上来说,他写到日本的水稻一年需要进行九次除草)。但Studwell 从未偏离主题。相比他所反对的“十步走”式华盛顿共识,他本人提倡的“三步走”主义甚至更为简略。但毫无疑问,二者都将会充满争议。 /201307/248112Last time we talked about the false belief that evolutionary theory says human beings descended from monkeys.上次我们谈论到了关于人类进化论的错误观念:人类是猴子演变而来的。In fact, evolution says that both human beings and monkeys descended from a common ancestor that existed about thirty million years ago.其实,进化论阐述的是人类和猴子都是同一个祖先的后裔。而这个祖先存在于三千万年前。Across time, species can give rise to otherspecies, which can in turn give rise to others.斗转星移,物种会产生其他的物种,这样依次发展又会产生别的不同物种。So, while its not true that human beings evolved from monkeys, if you stretch your thinking youcan see how monkeys can be considered relatives of ours.因此,尽管人类从猴子演变而来不是真的,但如果你发散思维,就会明白为什么会说猴子是我们的近亲。After all, I call someone my cousin if she and I have a common ancestor.终究,我把和我有共同祖先的人叫做表兄。If we could keep recordsacross millions of years, we might want to count monkeys and apes as our cousins too.假如我们能够备存纪录数百万年之久,可能我们会把猴子和猿也视作表兄。But wait a minute!且慢!If thats true, then arent we also related to the ancestors of that common ancestor?如果真的是这样,那我们的祖先不是也有着共同祖先?I mean, my cousin and I both share a grandparent.我的意思是,我和我的表是同一个祖母。But the family tree doesnt stopthere.但是家族谱并不会止于此。We also share that grandparents grandparents.我们也是同一个曾曾曾祖母。What about the species that diverged togive rise to the common ancestor of monkeys and humans?而那些分散发展成猴子和人类共同祖先的物种呢?If you see where this is leading, youll have understood something rather wonderful about life onearth.如果想知道哪儿是起头,就得明白和地球生物有关的一些非常奇妙的事情。In fact, if you take the longest possible perspective — now looking back about four billionyears-you will find that every life form on earth is related to every other.实际上,如果你从长远的角度来看的话—回顾到四十亿年前,你就会发现地球上的所有生物都是息息相关的。We all share commonancestors, because all life came from the first self-reproducing, single-celled organism that existedin the oceans of primal earth.我们有着共同的祖先,因为所有的生命都来源于原始地球上第一个存在于海洋中自我复制的单细胞有机体。Yes, that tree outside is your relative, as is every bug and blade of grass.是的,外面那棵树是你的亲戚。同样的,所有的虫子和青草都是。Invite them in for dinner,why dont you?邀请它们共进晚餐吧!为什么不呢? 201409/326636大理市漾濞县妇幼保健人民中心中医院做彩超B超价格云南大理治疗附件炎哪家医院最好的

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